Nairobi 
7 February, 2002 

.M.."- 

TANGAZA COLLEGE 
CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN AFRICA 

Estifanos Helafu Wold., MCCJ 

BIBLICAL FOUNDATIONS OF MONASTIC LIFE 

IN EARLY ABYSSINIA 

Moderator 

Rev. Fr. Timothy Redmond, S. P. S. 

Kiet 
acoa 

A Long Essay Submitted in Partial Fulfillment 

of the Requirements for the Bachelor of Arts in Religious Studies 

—....anra z 



STUDENT'S DECLARATION 

I hereby declare that the material used in this essay has not been 

submitted for academic credit to any other institution. All sources have 
been cited in full. 

Signed 
Date 	 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

ACKNOWLEDGMENT.. 	  

INTRODUCTION. 	 1 

CHAPTER! 	 3 

THE MISSION DURING THE PORTUGUESE COLONIAL ERA. A. 	 3 

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW  	 3 
1. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE CHURCH AND THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. WAS IT AN EVANGFI KIATioN9 	3 
2 THE PORTUGUESE MISSIONARY PATRONAGE UNDER ANTONIO SAIA7AR'S DICTATORSHIP (1932 - 1964) .5 

CHAPTER!!  	 10 

THE MISSION DURING THE LIBERATION WAR IN 	 10 

MOZAMBIQUE: 1964 TO 1975 	 10 

I. THE CONFLICT: THE CHURCH AND THE COLONIAL AND ANTI -COLONIAL GO vatraoair 	 10 
1. 1 A GENERAL ourLooic ON THE SMJATION: AN UNDERESTIMATED STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE 
AFFECTING ALL AFRICA 	 10 

1.2 Liberation war: the liberation movements and the emergence of FRELL110 	 12 
1.3. The Church and the Colonial Government - an awkward situation. 	  17 
1.4. Education in Catholic schools versus Wlie evangelization: the assimilation of Catholicism 
with PortugaRsation. 	  17  
1.5 Church relations with the anti-colonial struggle. 	 '0  
1.6 Conflicts arising from an intolerable situation 	 21 
1.7 The Role of the Native Clergy and of the Missionary Congregations - the coup d'etat 	23 
The Evaluation of the Missionary Protest 	 31 

CHAPTER III 	 33 

THE MISSION IN THE MOZAMBICAN REVOLUTION 	 33 

POLMCAL &RELIGIOUS DISSATISFACTION: GENERAL CHANGES 	 33 
1. CHURCH - STATE RFT ATTONS IN INDEPENDENT MOZAMBIQUE 	 37 

1.1.4n over all View of the present situation 	 3' 
2. THE ATTITUDE OF FRELIMO TOWARDS RELIGION 	 39 

2.1 The Reaction of the Church 	 43 
2.2 The Rok played by the Laity 	 45 

CHAPTER IV 	 49 

THE DAWNING OF ANEW ERA 	 49 

L 	OvERALL situ/ 	 49 

1.1. The Church and the Peace process in the Mozambican Republic 	 51 
1.2. Towards a peace settlement 	 51 
1.3. Mozambique Surprises the World 	 52 
1.4. Conflict and Rapid Socio - Political and Economic Changes 	 54 
1.5. Cultural and Religious Changes 	 55 

CONCLUSION 	 57 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 	 60 



ACKNOWLEDGMENT 
At the start of this work, I would like to call attention to some key issues which I consider 

very important, if not a 'sine qua non' condition for a better understanding of the whole 

work. First of all I would like to point out the fact that some events concerning the topic of 

this essay took place shortly after I decided to write it. Hence. I acknowledge some 

difficulties in writing "History" in this sense. Also I am aware of the limitations of the 

language I am currently using, since it is not my native language. 

Problems in grasping the meaning of some expressions may arise as one goes through this 

paper because most of the sources I used were mainly written in different languages, the 

translation of which may not be too accurate. However, I am confident of some sources I 

referred to which reported the events "on the spot", while others were eye witnesses of the 

same facts. This last case is applicable to personalities like Fr. Bortzanino, Fr. Jos6 Filipe 

Couto (NC), and others. 

My special thanks goes to Fr. Francesco Pierli. (MCCJ: Missionaires Combonien du Coeur 

de Jesus) my tutor, and Fr. Gerard (SVD: Sociedade do Verbo Divino), who helped me in 

my use of English. 

I also thank one of my confreres, Paulo Rafael Vilanculo and the Mozambican Embassy 

staff who helped me a lot in getting some relevant material on this topic. 



INTRODUCTION 
On 'struggling' to write this paper on Mozambique, particularly on the topic I have chosen, 

I first of all asked myself a question: will I succeed in saying anything meaningful and 

relevant? Therefore, in this connection I would like to point out some relevant elements 

that I tried to develop in this essay such as: 

-A well documented courage of the missionary activity of the Church; 

-An analysis of the different methodologies applied by the missionaries to foster 

evangelization; 

-A reading analysis and reflection on the Papal Encyclical "Redemptoris Missio" which, I 

believe, has enhanced my understanding of the history of the mission in Mozambique and 

put it into the proper perspective. 

However, in analyzing the missionary activity in this country, it is necessary to look at it in 

the following phases: the Mission during the Portuguese colonial era; the 'Mission during 

the independence war period, specifically between 1964 and 1975; the Mission in the 

Mozambican Revolution and the Dawning of a new era. 

Finally, I will concentrate on some first hand witnesses in order to prove, illustrate or to 

develop each point. Hence, three factors in the history of mission in Mozambique must be 

analyzed: 

1. Religious Transformation: the type of changes that have occurred, bearing in mind that 

people had their religious experiences before the coming of colonialism. 

1 1  



2. Cultural Transformation: through colonialism and the Church (missionaries) new 

cultures come: local and foreign cultures; the coming of modernity; the mentality which 

changes all the cultures. 

3. Social Transfonnation: having in mind the revolutions, e.g. "FRELLMO" and others, 

which also contributed to the Church's development in Mozambique. 



CHAPTER I 
THE MISSION DURING THE PORTUGUESE COLONIAL ERA. A 

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW 

1. Relationship between the Church and the colonial government: 
was it an evangelization? 
At the beginning of the 15th  century (1498), the Portuguese presence in Mozambique 

consisted of an established trading port in Sofala (situated on the eastern coast of 

Mozambique). Later on, a trading port and Fort were established on the Island in the same 

country. In 1531, a Portuguese presence in Sena (interior North West Mozambique) was 

established. Ten years later, another settlement was established at Quelimane (central north 

eastern Mozambique). The aim of these settlements was to serve as a stop-over for ships 

going to India and Indonesia. These settlements also facilitated a naval flotilla that patrolled 

and protected the commercial lines within the Indian ocean area. 

The representative of the Portuguese monarchy, the viceroy, was residing in Croa ((India). 

At the end of the 17'h  century only the area from the Zambezi valley to Tete was occupied 

by Portuguese settlers.' 

' The total settlers agents within the Indian ocean region was roughly 1000. At the 
beginning of the 19th  century. the Portuguese occupation stretching along the 
Mozambican coast to Kilwa (Tanzania), to Mombasa (Kenya) and other trading ports 
throughout the region of the Indian ocean was stagnant, without any real significant 
change in population. In Mozambique, the only significant centre added were the island 
of Ibo, in the North, and Lourenco Marques (Maputo), in the south. The fact that the 
Portuguese settlers never really penetrated the northern or southern interior is 
noteworthy. Cf Perry Anderson L'ultra colonialisme Portu ais , (Paris: Lecerf 1964), 
pp. 27-28. 

3 



In the le and 191h  centuries, the Prazo'2  system had its beginnings in Mozambique. The 

aim of this system was to improve Portuguese settlements in order to control the local 

populations under the leadership of the local chiefs. The prazos were under the strict 

control of a Portuguese owner, who appeared "out of the blue sky", to be the lord of a 

territory the size of Scotland. As such, there were therefore, twenty prazos in 

Mozambique. The traditional tribal chiefs were, according to Portuguese law, independent; 

i.e. they were not vassals of the Portuguese monarchy. However, they had to bow to the 

demands of the Portuguese settled lord. The Portuguese lord had possession and control 

over the local population by way of his own security forces. The local population was 

obliged to stay on the lord's territory and could not move from there. The security forces 

were composed of militias, commonly called `caboterras', policemen called `sipaios' and 

whipwielding forcemen called `capatazes'. Because of the fact that at that time the majority 

of settlers were male, many of them married the daughters of the tribal chiefs. From those 

marriages emerged a new class known as `mulatos' who became the mediators between the 

native population and the settlers. 

A question arises: what was the State of missionary activity during this period? 

Of course one should not think that there was a systematic Christian evangelization as is 

seen in our present time. No! Missionary work, at that time, was limited to Christianization 

of the local population which was employed by the Portuguese settlers and mercenaries. 

2  It is not easy to say in simple terms exactly what a prazo was, indeed part of the interest 
of the prazos is that they are like holograms, presenting a different image according to 
the angle of vision. To the Portuguese they were land grants held under Roman law 
contracts of emphyteusis, but from the African point of view they were essentially 
chieliaincies and as such part of a complex system of social and economic relations 
bounding together all the peoples of the region. Cl Mabm Newitt. A  History of 
Mozambique. (Hong Kong: Indiana University Press, 1995), p. 217. 

4 



Portuguese sailors, officers, soldiers, traders and the few priests who accompanied them 

tried to integrate the surrounding local population into the 'Christian civilization'. There 

were some Dominican and Jesuit missionaries in the Zambezi valley, (Tete province north 

west Mozambique).3  

2.The Portuguese Missionary Patronage under Antonio Salazar's 
dictatorship (1932 - 1964). 
The penetration of Portuguese settlers into the interior of Mozambique began towards the 

end of the 19th  century. It was the time in which the owners of factories in England, 

France, Germany and Belgium had decided to penetrate into Africa with their companies. 

At the conference of Berlin held in 1885, the 'scramble' for Africa was mapped out. It was 

decided that the real ownership of any part of Africa would be determined by the ability to 

set up an industrial complex there. Before this, various companies began operating in 

Mozambique, namely: the companhia de NlocambiquelX1ozambique company) that had 

supremacy over 1201=2 south of Zambezi river; the `companhia do Niassa'(Niassa 

company) that controlled the area north of the Zambezi river; and the `companhia do 

Zambezi' (Zambezi company) that controlled the remaining territory. These industrial firms 

began to control the local populations of Mozambique through systematic operations which 

forced them to produce raw materials such as cotton, sisal, tea, etc. At the same time, 

industrial infrastructures such as roads, railways and ports were being constructed. 

3  In 1825, there were a total of ten priests on Mozambique. Seven, out of the ten came 
from Goa and the majority of them were stationed in the Jesuit Mission of Boroma, Tete. 
The remaining three priests were stationed along coast: one in Lourenco Marques. one 
on the Island of Mozambique, and one on the Island of lb° as military chaplains to the 
Portuguese garrisons. Cf Ibid. p. 28. 

5 



A second question arises: what about missionary activity at this time? 

Portugal's monarchy, the aristocracy and especially the patriarch of Lisbon together with 

his archbishops, bishops and clergy continued to insist on the immutable validity of the 

Holy See's 1456 commission bestowed upon Portugal's monarchy and Church to convert 

overseas populations to Catholic Christianity. Portugal's monarchy and the Church 

boasted of its exclusive privilege to send only Portuguese missionaries to its territories. This 

system is commonly known as Padroado Missionario Portugues', (Portuguese Missionary 

Patronage). Questions arise about the availability of Portuguese missionaries. It must be 

remembered that in the 19th  century there was no more than ten priests to be found in 

northern Mozambique. In 1922, four missionaries belonging to the Montfort Society, a 

French congregation, entered into the Cabo 	Delgado region of northern Mozambique. 

In 1926, five missionaries from the Consolata Society entered the Niassa region 

surrounding the Lake Nyassa.4  They provided religious care for `mulato' children of the 

farmers and officers of the Companhia do Niassa. At this time there was an appointed 

archbishop who was responsible for all missionary activity in Mozambique. But the real 

systematic missionary evangelization of Mozambique began in the 1940s. 

From what I said so far, it becomes clear that the representatives of the Portuguese Church 

claimed to be the patrons of the Mozambique population. which had to embrace the 

Catholic Christian faith under the patronage of the Portuguese State and Church. This was 

enforced by the Papacy which gave Portugal the mandate to propagate the faith always 

under the Portuguese missionary patronage. But, trying to analyze the situation, one finds 

4  It should be noted that Frs. Peter Calandri and Joseph Amiotti entered illegally into 
Mozambique without any clearance from the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. CY: 
Igino Tuba[do., I Hissionari della Consolata., (vol. IV Torino:,1977), P. 539. 



out that real evangelization was minimal; and it was a declaration without real facts to 

support it. In the final analysis, the Portuguese clergy conceived of a Christianization which 

was tantamount to converting its colonies into Portuguese territorial possessions under the 

control of the Nobility and Clergy, and which was to be backed by foreign commercial and 

industrial trade. At the same time they were content to declare this as the propagation of 

the Christian faith. 

In 1932, Antonio Salazar was designated Prime Minister of Portugal and introduced the 

'Estado Novo'(new State) system. This system gradually took control of Portuguese 

society and the colonial administration until 1974. Within the -estado novo" two political 

organizations played an important role: the 'Centro Catolico' (Catholic Centre) which held 

together the various groupings in society with a nationalistic ideology; and the .Centro 

Academic° de Democracia Cristi (Academic Centre of Christian Democracy) which 

would offer the same Anteinio Oliveira Salazar as a leader of the Portuguese nation.' 

The constitution of the "estado novo" had the family as its foundation. Portuguese society 

was seen from the point of view as being one family and therefore, there was no room for 

strikes, class struggle or social disorder. "Organizacoes Morais " (Ethical Organizations) 

were set up in order to create an ethos to govern all hospitals, mental asylums, homes for 

the aged, kindergarten schools, religious houses and charitable organizations. There was no 

multi-party system because the "estado novo" was founded by the one and only "Unii.o 

Nacional" (National Union party). 

s 
This came about by the fact that Salazar was the secretary of the Centro Acadernico de 

Democracia Cristi and had good contact with the Centro Catclico. Starting his political 
career as finance minister from 1928 - 1932 and then as a prime minister until 1969, he 
proclaimed the following message towards the end of his life: "nothing against the nation 



Once more a question comes up: what was the mission of the Church during this period? 

Though Salazar was reluctant to speak about his relationship to the clergy, - the Spanish 

dictator Franco, was more explicit on the matter - the Portuguese Church never lost its 

property, possessions or its role as an organization wielding great influence over the 

masses. Salazar was aware that if his ideology of 'one family' was to establish itself well in 

Europe and overseas, then he needed the preaching and cooperation of the Church. Salazar 

and Cerejeira, the then patriarch of Lisbon, had been colleagues in the seminary and at the 

University of Coimbra. It was difficult to separate the Church from the State in Portugal's 

'estado novo'. The one needed the other. Nevertheless, both Church and State were 

accustomed to publicly declaring their independence from each other. This even in spite of 

the fact that, in 1940, a concordat was signed between the Holy See and the Portuguese 

State. Also in 1941, a Missionary agreement and a Missionary statute were signed, in 

which an invisible union between Church and State is very evident. 

With the signing of the Missionary agreement in 1941, Salazar and the Portuguese Church 

faced a deep and serious problem: how to send national missionaries to Mozambique and 

to the other colonies? 

On one hand the Portuguese clergy claimed to have the exclusive privilege of sending only 

Portuguese missionaries to its colonies. But on the other hand, and analyzing the situation 

of that time, it was clearly evident that Portugal did not have the personnel for this task. 

The concordat between the Holy See and the Portuguese State solved the problem by 

stating that the missionary activity in Mozambique could be carried out by congregations 

which established residences in Portugal and which recruited Portuguese missionaries for 

but all for the nation!". Cf. F. J. Couto & Van Lay quote A. H. de Oliveira Marques. 



their respective societies. In the meantime, the non-Portuguese members of these 

congregations were allowed to work in Mozambique and in other colonies on the condition 

that they passed a determined period of time in the Metropole and that they performed 

their missionary work within the framework and aims of the Portuguese colonial policy. 

Among the many tasks that were entrusted to the missionaries, their prime responsibility 

was the education of the native population. The education system was to enable Africans to 

speak Portuguese. From the missionary statute of 1961 until the 1970s, nine Dioceses were 

founded, all with Portuguese bishops. The archbishop of Lourenco Marques (Maputo), 

had as much power and authority as the colonial governors. The other eight bishops had as 

much power and authority as the provincial governors. The bishops and missionaries were 

all civil servants of the government, receiving benefits and privileges according to the Law. 

At the time just before independence, in 1975, there was some total of 495 priests, 186 

brothers, 907 sisters and 7011 catechists in Mozambique. Almost half of the priests came 

from Portugal, while the others came from Western Europe: namely Italians, who 

constituted the biggest group of the non-Portuguese missionaries, followed by Dutch, 

Spanish and Belgians. There was also significant number of Canadian missionaries of 

Africa, known as the White Fathers. The biggest portion of the Portuguese missionaries 

belonged to the `Sociedade Portuguesa das Missoes CatOlicas Ultramarinas' (Portuguese 

Society for Overseas Catholic Missions). By 1964, there were only 18 local priests. 10 

local brothers and 100 local sisters. The catechists were all local. 

Historia de Portugal, (Vol. IL, 1974).p. 298ff 

9 



North 

Cabo Deleaclo 

0Island of :be 

ZILEAMIE 



CHAPTER II 

THE MISSION DURING THE LIBERATION WAR IN 

MOZAMBIQUE: 1964 to 1975. 

1. The conflict : The Church and the colonial and anti-colonial 
government. 

1. 1 A general outlook on the situation: an underestimated struggle for 

independence affecting all Africa. 

While most African countries were drifting towards nationhood within a frame-work of 

independence obtained without violence, for some others the years between 1960 and 1975 

were those of armed struggle against colonial and regimes which still believed that they had 

the capacity to resist political change. 

In this context, the independence of Ghana (6 march 1957), under the leadership of 

president Kwame Nkrurnah, initiated the struggle for African freedom by setting in motion 

the decolonization process throughout the whole continent. In the mid 1960s. Britain and 

France, the then major colonial powers in Africa were favorable to the demands of 

nationalistic movements within their realms and granted independence with the exception 

of Kenya for Britain and Algeria for France, where bloody liberation wars were fought by 

the Mau Mau and the F. L. N.6  respectively. 

Portugal, for its part, was adamant in not relinquishing its colonial possessions in _Africa. 

By the end of 1960s the Portuguese colonies became isolated pockets within independent 

6 
Front de Liberation National ('e l'Algeriej - National Liberation Front (clAlgeria). 

10 



Africa. Peaceful clamoring for independence within the colonies was continually ignored 

and brutally put down by a resolutely stubborn and astute Portugal which increased its firm 

and crippling grip on the colonies. Exasperation on the part of the subjected peoples led to 

the formation of nationalist guerrilla movements in Guinea Bissau, Angola and 

Mozambique, and these were determined to wage protracted bloody wars of independence 

wars in order to join the league of independent African States. 

Portugal, while publicly expressing its belief that insurrection was unlikely either in Angola 

or Mozambique, the Salazar regime took precautionary measures during the 1950s. PIDE 

(the Portuguese State Security) established itself in the colonies in 1956 and began 

systematically bringing under surveillance people known to be hostile to the regime. 

Counteracting Salazar's option and preparation for war, small pressure groups or 

movements were established. Though they had no clear political ideas, the natives favoured 

them. That was the case of the (Nticleo de estudantes Africanos de Mocambique) - 

Nucleus of the African students of Mozambique, formed by Eduardo Mondlane, who later 

on would become the future founder of TRELB/10'(1945). Part of the activities of that 

small clandestine group was materialized in the form of demonstrations of the masses of 

1948, whose protagonists were the workers of Lourenco Marques (Maputo), especially the 

workers of Porto. 

II 



1.2 Liberation war: the liberation movements and the emergence 
of FRELlMO. 

The Portuguese had tried to isolate Mozambique from the changes taking place elsewhere 

in Africa. A centralized bureaucratic State backed on increasingly effective security police 

that made sure that the population, white as well as black, was disintegrated and 

disorganized within itself. It was helped in this by the low level of literacy and education. 

and by the lack of trade unions or of any of the forms of African organization that had 

given birth to nationalism in other parts of Africa. But, certain areas of Mozambique's 

evolution worked the other way. A huge part of the population had been affected by 

migrant labour: there was scarcely an African family in Tete District, the (Sul do Save) or 

the far north without members who had worked abroad. The more densely populated 

central area was the area of Zambezia province, from which the mass emigration to 

Nyasaland area had taken place, so that here too most families had relatives living beyond 

the frontier in British territory. 

Mozambicans abroad were exposed to all the tides of politics and modern thought, and 

many of them responded by becoming involved in the political affairs of their host country. 

They agitated the people in the mines of the copper belt and the rand, joined political 

movements or independent Churches and sought education of a kind they could not obtain 

at home. It was the same for those lucky enough to go to Europe or the United States, 

where they could enjoy the luxury of free intellectual discussion and become involved in 

the latest political movements. Eduardo Mondlane, having been involved in 1948 in 

founding NESAM, (a radical student organization in Lourenco Marques), was able to 

12 



continue his studies in Lisbon. There he met the men who led the nationalist movements in 

Angola and the Cape Verde Islands.' 

For Mozambique, the armed struggle against the Portuguese colonial government began in 

the mid 1960s. This became possible after Tanzania was granted independence on the 9 

December 1961. The now Tanzanian government, under the leadership of president Julius 

Nyerere, was detemnned to help all the anticolortial liberation movements in Africa, 

including the (ANC)8with its antiapartheid struggle in South Africa. 

So, in a true sense, it was abroad that Mozambican nationalism was born, in the late 1950s. 

by the formation of independence movements among countrymen in the neighboring 

countries. Only three of these early movements are now remembered, since they are the 

ones that came together to form FRELLMO. lidenamo, founded in Bulawayo in 1960; 

Unami, established in Malawi; and Manu, founded among the Makonde emigrants in 

Kenya and Tanzania. These organizations were located in specific groups of expatriates 

who in turn tended to come from specific areas of Mozambique. Of these movements only 

Manu attempted to work inside Mozambique, and it was a crowd of its supporters who 

gathered to petition the local Portuguese administrator at Mueda (Cabo Delgado province), 

in June 1960. The administrator met the demonstrators by calling out the troops, who shot 

down a large number of them. 

This experience showed that the Portuguese were committed to using troops in civil 

disturbances and proved the futility of pitting unarmed peasants in demonstrations against a 

Cf Eduardo Mondlane, The struggle for Mozambique., (London: Penguin, 1969), 
chap..5. 
8  African National Congress (of South Africa). 

13 



ruthless regime. `Mueda massacre' also helped to politicize the Makonde people and 

therefore greatly influenced the way in which FRELEMO and its campaigns developed.9  

These early movements achieved little except the mere fact of existing, but for the first time 

they allowed a black Mozambican leadership to emerge, and were a forum where the initial 

ideas about the future of the country could be tested. However, before any of these 

movements could develop fully, they were cajoled by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and 

Julius Nyerere of Tanzania into coining together. Also they were encouraged by CONCP, 

the committee formed to coordinate the independence movements in the five Portuguese 

ruled territories in Africa, whose secretary was the Mozambican Marcelino dos Santos. As 

a result, PRELIM° (Frente de LibertacAo de Mocambique)-Mozambique Liberation Front 

was formed, in June 1962, in Dar- Es- Salaam, Tanzania. 

FRELEv10 was made up largely of expatriate Mozambicans and it was under the 

leadership of Eduardo Mondlane, the most distinguished black Mozambican academic and 

an official at the United Nations in New York, a man who had lived abroad almost 

without a break for the previous ten years.m  

--p On the 25 September 1964, Dr. Eduardo Mondlane, the president of FRELLMO, solemnly 

announced: 

" Mozambican people - in the name of all of you, FREL1110 today solemnly 
proclaims the general armed insurrection of the Mozambican people against 
Portuguese colonialism, for the attainment of the complete independence of 
Mozambique"." 

Cf. Thomas IL Henriksen, Mozambique: A History. pp. 163-8. 
QC Eduardo Mondlane, The struggle for Mozambique. , chap. 5. 

le  Cf. Ibid, p. 24. 
Cf: Ibid., p. 13. 

1 1 

14 



This was to lead to the nine year war of independence that was to have a profound impact 

at a time in which the Church's missionary presence and activity was being questioned and 

evaluated. Also, it was to be a time of shock for a Church that was fossilized and stagnant; 

a time of purification and conversion for a privileged and powerful colonial Church. The 

necessity of breathing the spirit of the Apostolic Church was to become extremely 

important for the years of crisis and suffering that were to come. 

According to J. Duffy, the state of relationship between Christianity and colonialism during 

this period can be considered as that of "cluistianise and educate, nationalise and civilise".12  

In a sense, this objective was of extreme importance in qualifying and justifying the 

relationship of the Church and State in all the colonized countries of Africa. It was a 

practice undertaken by all colonial powers. Even the most non Christianized countries 

sponsored some kind of powerful and constant missionary activity in their colonies. The 

reason behind this attitude is very easy to grasp: the conversion of the local population 

represented its integration with the mentality and culture of Europe. Missionary activity 

then, brought the advantage, even for atheistic and anti-clerical administrations, of 

beginning a process of disciplinary adaptation to the European cultural norm. Moreover, 

conversion had an equally important psychological function in the European community 

itself. As soon as a European colonialist found himself confronted with the scary and 

incomprehensible othemess of the African population, and away from the "known and 

ordered universe" of European society, he could be struck with panic. Such a colonialist 

would then realise that the great protecting weapon of European culture in itself was not 

sufficient to hold everything together. 

Cf J. Duffr, Portugal in Africa., (London: Penguin, 1962), p. 171. 

15 



Within a situation of extreme insecurity, a more organized religion and the intention of 

converting the Africans was a reassuring sign to the colonialist. Simultaneously, Christianity 

had another advantage for all colonisation. It represented an ideal minimum requirement 

for the inculturation of the African. A colonial system needed a subjected people that had a 

minimum level of 'Europeanisation' so to speak, which would maintain both order and 

allow for exploitation. A minimum assimilation of European culture and techniques had to 

be maintained so as the inequality upon which the colonial order rested could be 

maintained. Christianity offered an almost perfect process by which the fruits of 

assimilation were minimal and yet avoided running the risk of complete assimilation. 

Christianity was, at times, the less usable sector of European culture, yet the more officially 

used. It was the easiest sector to simplify. It was, therefore, an instrument of unique value 

for controlling and strictly limiting the process of inculturation. The indigenous population 

acquired sufficient elements of European culture in order to be disciplined and docile, but 

not enough in order to become competitive and to take initiatives!' 

H  Cf. Perry Anderson. L.'ultracolonialisme Portugais p. 76. 

16 



1.3. The Church and the Colonial Government - an awkward 
situation. 

1.4. Education in Catholic schools versus true evangelization: the 
assimilation of Catholicism with Portugalisation. 
With regards to Mozambique, the Portuguese State had a deep interest in sponsoring and 

promoting missionary activity. The State was pleased by this attitude of giving the Church 

responsibility for the education of the Africans, for it enabled the latter to Christianise. The 

Church officially approached the education of African with the intention of converting 

them. Here, the objective of education with the aim of converting to Christianity may be 

considered a genuine principle; but in actual fact the opposite arose. Whereas the British 

and the French funded education in their colonies because they needed African clerks, civil 

servants, and foremen for capitalistic economic liberalism, feudal Portuguese, together with 

Spain and Italy, needed a subservient African minimally educated in order to carry out hard 

manual labor. Portuguese Church education, conditioned by government intervention, had 

to offer a token education, if the term 'education can be used in the loose sense of the 

word to describe what the Mozambican was offered at the time." 

:4  "... there is scarcely any education to be discussed in their (Portuguese) colonial 
territories. For many years, the statistical data was never made available, and when 
published towards the end of the colonial period the figures were always inflated. What is 
undeniable is that the African child growing up in Portuguese colonial territories stood 
one chance out of a hundred of getting instruction beyond standard II or standard III. 
The Secondary Schools that came into existence were for Europeans and Indians. the 
latter drawn mainly from Goa. The colonial powers with small territories in Africa were 
Spain and Italy. Like Portugal, they were also backward from a European capitalist 
viewpoint, and they provided their colonial subjects with a tiny amount of primary 
education and no secondary education. -  Cf W. Rodney, How European underdeveloped 
Africa., (London: Rex Collings Ltd, 1972,).p. 268. 

17 



True evangelization took second place to Portugalisation in Church-run mission schools." 

The insistence upon the Portuguese language and culture was always to the detriment of 

the traditional ways of life for the Portuguese and Spanish had always shown contempt for 

African language and religion. Schools of kindergarten and primary level for Africans in 

Portuguese colonies were nothing but agencies for the spread of the Portuguese language. 

Most schools were under Catholic Church control, as a result of the unity of Church-State 

in fascist Portuga1.16  

In Mozambique, and within many other Portuguese colonies, the Catholic Church has on 

many occasions proclaimed that its most important activities were "the founding and 

directing of schools for European and African students; elementary, secondary and 

professional schools, and seminaries.., as well as infirmaries and hospitals"." These 

activities have flourished since the signing of the concordat on 7 May 1940 between the 

Vatican and Portugal, the Missionary Accord of 1940, and the Missionary statute of 1941. 

With all these documents at hand, the Church's missionary activity received generous 

grants from the Portuguese State, while the non Catholic missionaries were discouraged 

15  The Portuguese State made it clear to the Church that "education at any level was 
designed 'to civilize the African native', and of course only a civilized native could hope 
to gain worthwhile employment and recognition from the colonialists. According to the 
French, an African, after receiving French Education stood a chance of becoming an 
lassimile' - one who could be assimilated or incorporated into the superior French 
culture. The Portuguese used the word 'assimilado'. which means exactly the same; and 
Portuguese colonial law distinguished sharply between a native and an 'assimilado'. The 
latter was sometimes called a 'civilizado' (one who is civilized') because of being able to 
read and write Portuguese. That sort of African was rewarded with certain privileges. 
One great irony was that in Portugal up to 1960, nearly half of the population was 
illiterate, and, therefore, if they had been put to the same test would have been judged 
uncivilized". Cl Ibid. P. 272. 
15 1bid. P. 27,1. 
i7 Cf J. Dufj5,, Portugal in Africa. P. 172. 

18 



within the territories. The entry of foreign Catholic missionaries to the territories was 

severely and rigidly cut short. 

As the number of converts to Catholicism increased, thanks to the monopoly on African 

education given to the Catholic missions by the State, the government started to evaluate its 

program of assimilation by using conversion as the thermometer. The State m?intained that 

if the African was Roman Catholic, then there would be a good chance for him to become 

a Portuguese in 'every' respect. This assertion had been maintained by countless figures 

within government circles, especially by Dr. Adrian() Moreira, the then under-secretary of 

State for Overseas Administration, who in 1960, while announcing political Overseas 

reforms, declared that "although political loyalty does not depend upon Christian 

qualifications... Catholic missionary activity is inseparably linked to patriotism, and that the 

formation of Christian qualities leads to the formation of Portuguese qualities.18  "For many 

Portuguese Catholics, being Portuguese and being christian were one and the same 

thing”.19 

In Mozambique, European children, who were then more than 95% Roman Catholic, 

were sent to be educated in secular schools run by the State. Accordingly, "the intent of 

this policy is obviously to indoctrinate the children of the native black Mozambicans with 

Christianity, thereby assuring the government of a population docile and loyal to 

Portugal".2°  

18  Cf E. Moncffane, The struggle for Mozambique. P. 7a 
19  Cf. Ibid. P. 71. 
2°Cf Ibid. P. 71. 

I 1 

19 



1.5 Church relations with the anti-colonial struggle. 
As the struggle between nationalism and the government was advancing, the Catholic 

hierarchy - bishops and cardinal, by and large, supported the government's policies and the 

future of what colonial Catholicism should be. The very few African members of the 

clew and a number of foreign Catholic missionaries, were known to personally support 

nationalist aspirations in Portuguese Africa. Yet, they did not speak out those aspirations. 

Before this, the Church was finding itself faced with an extremely awkward situation. In 

particular, foreign Catholic missionaries in Mozambique, who constituted more than a half 

if not two thirds of missionary personnel, continually found themselves in a precarious and 

alienating position, as they had to 'espouse' the colonial case of Portugalisation' at the 

expense of preaching and witnessing the Gospel message, which is beyond all nationalism. 

Missionaries in Mozambique continually found themselves in a straight jacket as the 

colonial government 'constantly influenced policy, even in decisions involving the 

admission of foreign Christian missionaries, Catholics or Protestants, into the country"21. 

Missionaries were forced to spend an extended period of time in the Metropole learning 

Portuguese and imbibing the 'glory' of the European empire. The non-Portuguese 

missionary was then given the humiliating task of teaching all of this in the African schools. 

as the "subjects taught are Portuguese, reading, writing and arithmetic, but the standard in 

all these was very low. The courses are oriented towards Portugal. Such History and 

Geography as are taught are the History and Geography of Portugal. Africa is only 

skimmed in connection with die Portuguese empire"22. 

21Cf. Aid P. 71. 
22C.1 Ibid. P. 72. 

20 



1.6 Conflicts arising from an intolerable situation 
Conflict inevitably broke out from the fact that, the Church-State relationship in 

Mozambique became intolerable, hypocritical, even unbearable and rotten. Portugal's sole 

divine mission to Christianize no longer held as it did not respond any longer to the 

Ecclesiastical reality of Mozambique at that time. Since the Catholic hierarchy was closely 

connected with the government and very influential, its position must be considered in the 

Mozambican liberation conflict. 

As Mozambique was considered to be a constituent part of Portugal (provincia 

liltramatina),23- as defined by Portuguese constitution - the Catholic Church was 

automatically seen as an extended branch of the Church in Portugal With the signing of 

the three concordats by both Church and State in 1940s, the Church was greatly controlled 

and privileged at the same time. The then bishop and archbishop of Lourenco Marques 

(N4aputo), had both been staunch defenders and promoters of colonial policy; while Dom 

Sebastiao Soares de Resende, bishop of Beira, Nlozambique, and Mgt Ferreira Gomes, 

bishop of Porto, Portugal, had kept their distance by cautiously criticizing and opposing 

government positions. As these two prelates were an exception to the notm, it did not mean 

that change had come to the oppressive system. As regard to this, E. Mondlane says: 

"The clearest Statement ever made by a Portuguese Catholic leader of any 
standing on the question of self-determination and independence has come from 
Mgr. Custodio Alvim Pereira, auxiliary bishop of Lourenco Marques. If his 
position is to be taken as representative of the Roman Catholic Church, the 
Church is unequivocally against independence. In a recent circular which was 
read in all Catholic Churches and Seminaries throughout Mozambique, bishop 
Pereira outlined ten points intended to convince the clergy that independence 

23 Overseas provinces. 

1 

21 



for the African was not only wrong but contrary to the will of God The 
Statement ran as follows: 
Independence is irrelevant to the welfare of man. It can be good if the right 
conditions are present (the cultural conditions do not yet exist in Mozambique). 
While these conditions are being produced, to take part in movements for 
independence is acting against nature. 
Even if these conditions existed the Metropole has the right to oppose 
independence if the freedoms and rights of man are not respected, and (fit (the 
Metropole) provided fbr the well being, the civil and religious progress of all. 
All the movements which use force (terrorists) are against the natural law, 
because independence, (fit is to be assumed that it is good, must be maintained 
by peaceful means. 
When the movement is a terrorist one, the clergy have the obligation, in good 
conscience, not only to refrain from taking part but also to oppose ft This 
(obligation) derives from the nature of his mission (as a religious leader). 
Even when the movement is peaceful, the clergy must abstain from it in order to 
have spiritual influence upon the people. The superior of the Church may 
impose that abstention; he imposes it now for Lourenco Marques. 
The native people of Africa have the obligation to thank the colonialists fin- all 
the benefits which they received from them. 
The educated people have the duty to lead those with less education from all the 
illusions of independence. 
The present independence movements have, all of them, the sigh of revolt and 
communism: they have no reason; we must not, therefore, support these 
movements. The Doctrine of the Holy See is quite clear concerning atheistic and 
revolutionary communism. The great revolution is that of the Gospel. 
The slogan 'Africa for the Africans' is a philosophical monstrosity and a 
challenge to Christian civilization, because today's events tell us that it is 
communism and Islam which wish to impose their civilizations upon the 
Africans "24  

As FRELIMO was advancing with its incursions within the country, it became difficult for 

the missionaries to minister because of the conflicts. This situation became ahnost fatal for 

missionaries belonging to a Church which officially supportd the colonial government in 

Mozambique, and that was even detested by the majority of the population. The following 

years were marked by FRELIMO'S aggressive and successful offensive in the north, and 

growing popular support for its cause among the African population in the country. In 

response to this situation, the Portuguese army's presence was almost doubled and, in a 

24 Cf E. Moncllane, The struggle for Afozambiqzte. P. 74. 

22 



number of sweeps, PIDE arrested some 1500 FRELIMO activists and effectively destroyed 

the party's organization in the south, putting down any sign of rebellion. In Lourenco 

Marques PIDE action led to banning of NESAM and of Centro Associativo dos Negros 

Mocambicanos (Associative Centre of the Black Mozambicans) and the arrest of 

Domingos Arouca, one of the few black Mozambicans with an international profile." 

The following year PIDE picked up and detained a number of other leading intellectuals 

including Luis Honwana and the outstanding Mozambican artist Malangatana.26  Such 

situations deeply affected the Church as the small number of African priests and the 

majority of foreign missionaries had to reconsider their position. As parishoners, catechists 

and school teachers were being savaged and tortured, and executed, missionaries who had 

recently come to Mozambique politically indifferent, very soon realized the anachronistic 

character or attitude of the Portuguese colonial system and its future consequences for the 

Church. This obviously led to protest against local injustices and later against the whole 

corrupt colonial system. 

1.7 The Role of the Native Clergy and of the Missionary 
Congregations - the coup d'etat 
It was deeply shocking the way how, during the first years of the war of independence, the 

clergy, with the exception of a few cases, remained silent, despite the fate of the northern 

missions that were razed to the ground. This silence only ended in 1968, when a group of 

twenty priests, from a variety of different religious societies, drafted and presented a letter 

25 
CI Thomas Henriksen, Mozambique.... , P. 208. 

26  Ibid. P. 185. 

23 



to the bishops' conference on the matter of "the necessity of facing foursquare the problem 

of the liberty of the Church in Mozambique?' 

In May 1971, the thirty-two missionaries of Africa (White Fathers), working mainly in 

Beira diocese, unanimously pulled out as the situation became unbearable, due to the 

intermingling of Church and State and due to the disastrous effects that such an 

intermingling was having on their apostolate.28  

One thing to note is that it was not only the White Father's Mozambican province that 

protested against the intermingling of the Portuguese government with the Catholic 

hierarchy. The protest was declared to be that of the whole society; the general council and 

the entire provinces throughout the world including each and every member. This protest 

was not primarily directed against the Portuguese government as such, but first of all 

against the Catholic hierarchy (the bishops' conference) who apparently was not willing to 

27  Until 1967, the situation did not precipitate into chaos the bishop of Beira, Mgr. De 
Resende, who was able to maintain the equilibrium between missionaries, who had great 
trust in him to speak out in the interests ofAfricans, and the hierarchy, which had great 
respect for the prelate. But when the new and young Mgr. Pinto became bishop of 
Nampula, taking the same line as Mgr. De Resende but with little weight and clout, the 
situation ended in confrontation as a growing group of missionaries from several 
societies were pitted against the State. At the same time, the State began to pit itself 
against the hierarchy. Chaos arrives in Beira diocese when the appointment of Dom 
Manuel Ferreira Cabral, an opposite to Mgr. De Resende, as the new bishop sends the 
political temperature soaring. As the respected diocesan newspaper is sold to a group of 
white right-wing business man connected with PIDE, missionaries demanded the 
bishop's resignation. Cf A. Hasting.,  A History ofAfrican Christianity. P. 211. 28 

The white Fathers' Superior General, Theo Van Asten, eloquently elaborates: " we 
wanted, we asked and for a long time we waited for the hierarchy to take a definite stand 
to dispel the ambiguities in face of injustice and brutality. Faced with a silence which we 
do not understand we feel in conscience that we have not the right to be the accomplices 
of an official support which the bishops in this way seem to give to a regime which 
shrewdly uses the Church to consolidate and perpetuate in Africa an anachronistic 
situation, which in the long run is dead end. "Cf. A. Hosting., A History of African 
Christianty, (Londontbis, 1979), p. 211. 

24 



declare that evangelization had nothing to do with the legitimisation of the Portuguese 

colonial presence in Mozambique. 

As regards to the protest itself, four main factors proved that this protest came from the 

White Fathers and not from any other Society working in Mozambique. 

1.The 180 members of the Portuguese Society for Catholic Missions Overseas could not 

raise such a protest because they were a Portuguese Overseas congregation tied to the 

Portuguese bishops and government by the concordat; 

2.The Portuguese diocesan priests (including a small number from Goa) were dependent 

upon the hierarchy and were paid civil servants of the State as same the bishops; 

3.The Franciscans, Dominicans and Jesuits belonged, entirely, to their respective 

Portuguese provinces, which were bound by certain legal requirements for financial 

assistance; 

4.The Combonis, the Consolatas and others, (in spite of the fact that their members were 

non-Portuguese), could not join the protest because they would have lost their 

establishments in Portugal. 

These conjectures may seem to be simple, yet by considering and meditating on them over 

and over again, they may help in discovering other deep-rooted motifs which may 

eventually explain why these societies did not openly join in the White Fathers' withdrawal 

from Mozambique. 

During the time of the conflict in Mozambique, there were present a total of 495 

missionary priests: 32 White Fathers, 40 Comboni Fathers, 37 Consolata Fathers, 29 

Jesuits, 32 Dominicans, 20 Franciscans 21 Picpus Fathers, 15 Burgos Fathers, 31 

Spiritans, 60 Portuguese Diocesans serving in Mozambique, and 180 priests from the 

25 



Portuguese Society for Catholic Missions Overseas, 186 missionary Brothers, 907 

missionary sisters and 7011 catechists. The local African clew/ consisted of 18 priests, 10 

Brothers and 100 sisters. All of them tried to do their best to end the conflict. However, 

some abandoned the country all together. During this period of the war of independence 

about 20% of foreign priests were expelled or ref-used re-entry while on home leave, or 

given the 'persona non grata' stamp in their passports. 

Immediately after the White Fathers' withdrawal from Beira diocese and their consecutive 

departure front the country in 1971, the Portuguese bishop of Nampula diocese, Mgr. 

Pinto, was appointed temporary administrator of Beira diocese. The bishop's primary task, 

backed by some missionaries, was to draft a Statement justifying the White Fathers' 

withdrawal from Mozambique and countering the insinuations which were launched 

against them." 

It must be noted that Mg. Pinto's 'opposition' to the government is unique within the 

bishops' conference in Mozambique. The overall majority of bishops kept silent, avoided 

taking positions, and dodged issues which would have seriously put the government on the 

spot. The Gospel had not truly been proclaimed in this situation because of one key factor: 

29  Trying to understand the cause of conflict, the document stated: "we are sorry... that 
people have not understood that the attacks on the missionaries were, and are, attacks on 
the missionary Church in Mozambique. And so it seems to us that this is the moment 
when the Church in Mozambique... should seriously think about the reasons which made 
the white Fathers abandon the mission stations of Beira and Tete... . The confusion which 
occasionally shows itself in the relations between the State and the Church raises 
questions which we cannot ignore. We want to see the Church in Mozambique more 
independent and autonomous in its own sphere. We prefer a Church that is persecuted 
but alive to a Church that is generously subsidized but at the price of damaging 
connivance at the behavior of the temporal powers". CI A. Hastings, Massacre at 
Wiriyamu., (London, Orbis Book 1976), p.104. 

SOMIRENEC 
P, 0. BOX 71 681 26 

TEL. 578304  3783'2 
NAIROBI sT 



"They (the bishops) are paid by the government, their appointments depend upon 

government approval, they have to send in regular reports about the Church to the 

government. They are mostly good men but placed in an impossible situation. Their work 

has been absorbed into that of the government to such a degree that independent public 

action becomes almost unthinkable. All this is so because of the concordat and Missionary 

Agreement made between the pope and the government of Portugal in 1940. In return for 

very considerable financial help, a privileged position and permission to introduce some 

non-Portuguese missionaries into Portuguese Africa, the Catholic Church surrendered its 

freedom of action, merged its work with that of colonization and blessed the official 

Portuguese view of what missionary activity is meant to be".3°  

The other eight bishops stacked on the official nation that Catholic missions are 

"instruments of civilization and national influence (Colonial Act, 1930), 'institutions of 

imperial utility' (Missionary Statute, 1941), and important means in the process of 

Portugalization. 31  The missionaries who protested against the Portuguese system were 

accused of criticizing the system while at the same time not refusing to receive the financial 

support of the State.mIn the meantime, more Portuguese missionaries were questioning and 

rebelling against the gross caricature or facade of official mission. For instance, fifty-five 

priests and seminarians belonging to the Portuguese Holy Ghost Society signed a 

"Cf. Ibid. P. 105. 
s'CI Ibid. P. 105. 
32 

Fathers Valverd and Hernandez (Spanish Burgos Fathers who were arrested for 
attempting to circulate documents on massacres by Portuguese commandos) were 
charged against the missionary statute of Portugal, other benefits attributed by the 
statute, and in exchange agreed to convert their flocks to the Portuguese way of We. This 
indictment clearly points out the Portuguese concept of what the Church's obligations are 
according to the Missionary Agreement and what Fathers Valverde and Hernandez are 
guilt of in the government's eyes. Cf Ibid. P. 105. 

27 



document, in 1968, condemning the whole official missionary mystique that they were 

bred on: "the Portuguese missionary follows the road of his ideal: to carty Christ to the 

world and to tell men what Portugal is." " They saw such an approach as old fashioned, 

farcical and, more than all, destructive. Yet everything was commanded or even done by 

the Vatican and Lisbon to prop up this understanding of mission, even if the Church-State 

mission alliance had disappeared elsewhere by the 1970s. 

As time went on, a great deal of effort was put into the fight against the principles of the 

concordat. Maintenance of the concordat was seen for what it was, - a real betrayal of the 

Gospel message. For sure there were many calls from all corners of the country for the 

Church-State alliance, created by the concordat and the Missionary Agreement, to be 

definitely put to an end. Its termination was seen necessary as it betrayed the missionaries 

in Mozambique, by putting them into a profound ambiguity. It had to be repealed for the 

sake of the Mozambican people who deserved a mission which was true and authentic, a 

true Church and a true Gospel instead of documents tied up to Portugalisation by 

instruments of national influence. For the Church's own good anywhere, she could no 

longer be 'prostituted' and connected to confused treaties with the exponents of erroneous 

practices such as torture and mass killings all over the country. The nullification of the 

concordat could only bring about then the integrity of the Gospel, and preserve the honour 

of those who had given their lives so that the Gospel could be preached and witnessed to. 

It's in that way that the following five points of A. Hastings make sense in analyzing the 

position of the rebelling missionaries in Mozambique: 

33  CJ A. Hastings,  Massacre at Wirivanut,  P. 106. 

28 



1.The concordat is not out-dated because the government with which it is contracted 

refuses to adhere to the minimum or basic requirements of civility. It would still be wrong 

were it to be signed with a govenunent respecting human rights and portraying a decent 

face. The fallacy arises when it describes and promulgates grotesque and bizarre 

tnissiological viewpoints which can be linked with and made to serve colonial ambitions 

such as the destruction of African culture. 

2.The second fallacy arises when the Church is accorded a privileged position and is given 

an almost 'establishment' status in Portuguese Africa. This implies that the Catholic 

Church has the majority of the population adhering to it, which, in fact, is not the case in 

Mozambique as the majority of people are non-Christians. It can only be an 'established' 

Church in Portugal where the overwhelming majority is Catholic but certainly not in 

Mozambique. 

3.By becoming a privileged Church through the concordat, Protestants find themselves in a 

position of disadvantage and discrimination. As it divides Christians, by pitting Catholics 

against Protestants (who by then made up 10% of Christian converts), it puts Protestants 

into a civilly underprivileged position - and this with the unequivocal consent and blessing 

of the Catholic authorities. 

4.As the concordat stipulates for the financing of Catholic missionary activity by the 

Portuguese State, the Church eventually finds itself with its hands tied into a State of 

bondage. The more dependent the Catholic Church is financially upon the government, the 

more unable it is to proclaim its message freely and fearlessly. The government is even 

allowed to veto senior appointments to ensure that its leadership will remain subservient; 

although in several cases this has not worked. 

29 



5.Lastly, it is scandalous and disgraceful to enter into concordat with a government which, 

at the time, was responsible for tyranny and cold blooded murder on a large scale. The 

same government was authorizing massacres and tortures and a few minutes later paying 

the priests and bishops salaries and travel tickets, and receiving their annual reports.34  

Despite this, the Catholic Church either had not meditated or did not recognize at length 

the missiological message connected to the White Fathers' withdrawal from the 

Mozambican territory in 1971. Without a doubt, the White Fathers were the more 

'professional' group of missionaries that ever existed in Mozambique, and, to a 

considerable extent, all over Africa. As they took a profoundly difficult decision which 

ended the work of thirty-two missionaries over many years, "they were saying something 

about mission, about the message of salvation for our time, about the priority of the 

Church, which the central authority of the Church had not appeared to have heard"?' 

Protests by priests and nuns continued to be mounted against the brutality and torture 

which were being peipetrated by the Portuguese army, and particularly protests against the 

Portuguese colonial system. Consequently, deportations escalated. A few weeks before the 

military coup took place in Lisbon, 25 April 1974. the government expelled "none less than 

the bishop of Nampula, Mgr. Pinto, together with eleven Comboni Fathers who had, with 

many others, signed a Statement calling for recognition of the justice of the aims of the 

liberation movement and end to the concorde 

Soon the military dictatorship fell and this was the beginning of a new political era for 

Southern Africa, which was embarking upon a drastic radical revolution. 

34 
Summary of the five points on A. Hastings Massacre  at Wirlyam, p. 106. 

35 
Cf. A. Hastings. p. 107. 

36 
Cf. A. Hastings, A History oLAfrican Christianity, P. 213. 

30 



The Evaluation of the Missionary Protest: 
The slogan "new times, new realities" may find its right place at the dawn of the era that 

was soon to come. So, the missionary priests' rebellion against the hierarchy and the 

colonial system was analyzed by the two major parts (FRELIMO and the commanders of 

the Portuguese army), the latter headed by General Antonio Spin°la, the then commander-

in-chief of the Portuguese military forces fighting against the liberation movements in 

Portuguese Africa. In 1974, this general stated that the collapse of the whole system, which 

maintained the Portuguese political establishment in the metropole and in the colonies, was 

basically because of two reasons: 

The first is that there were elements, both within the military and within the Church, that 

wanted some change within the system. 

The second came from the fact that the military and the Church were the two pillars of 

Portuguese society; therefore, the clergy's protest within the Church and the officers' 

mutiny in the army marked the dawn of the sure death of medieval Portuguese society and 

feudal colonialism in the colonies. This new alliance of protesting missionaries against the 

hierarchy in Mozambique and mutinous officers of the army in Portugal and the colonies 

showed a crisis within the Portuguese socio-political and economical establishment. The 

crisis was viewed as the death of the old society. However, nobody knew what the future 

would hold. FRELIMO evaluated, in 1974, the protest of Mgr. Pinto and the Comboni 

Fathers by comparing it to the White Fathers' withdrawal of 1971. Furthermore, 

FRELIMO itself presented its conclusion saying that as soon as a bishop and another group 

of missionaries were expelled from the country for protesting against the colonial system in 

31 



- 
Mozambique, the whole world, as a consequence, would know that this was a definite sign 

that the colonial system was coming to an end. These missionaries and the bishop must 

have for sure known that capitulation was near so they had to act in time in order to 

escape. 

During this period an editorial article in the Daily Telegraph, commented: "the Church in 

society is like a barometer in that it shows the direction towards which society is moving". 

Now, the guerrilla war is advancing within the Portuguese colonies, the Portuguese army is 

demoralized, the Church must declare its support for independence in order to secure its 

place within a free Mozambique. It does.  not matter whether the future leaders will be 

communists or democrats. But because they will probably happen to be communists, then 

the Church should now begin to speak about the legitimacy of independence?' 

37 
CI F. J. Couto,  Mosambik und Frelimo: Darstellung einer Befreiungsbewegung., 

(Nurnberg: Laetare, 1974), PP. 57-59. 

32 



CHAPTER III 

THE MISSION IN THE MOZAMBICAN REVOLUTION 

Political &Religious Dissatisfaction: General Changes 
The MFA (vfovimento das Foreas Armadas -Armed Forces Movement) which revolted in 

Portugal in April 1974, was determined to end the wars in Africa and to find what it called 

political and not military solutions to the problems there. These solutions were not defined 

or agreed upon in advance and a commitment to self-determination for the colonies was 

left out of the MFA program which was eventually published in April 1974.38  However, 

the leftist officers of the MFA identified strongly with the nationalist movements in Africa 

and shared with them the belief that Salazarism was the common enemy. At the time of 

negotiations with the colonies, Portugal was under the presidency of Ant6nio de Spinola, 

who had a conservative intent on pursuing his own private diplomacy in Africa while trying 

to impose a conservative hue on developments within Portugal itself. Therefore, 

decolonisation became an aspect of the struggle for power in Portugal itself.39Inside 

Mozambique, the April revolution brought tremendous confusion and even chaos. Both the 

Army and the civil government were uncertain of what role they were to play and even 

from whom they were to take orders. General Costa Gomes, the Portuguese chief of staff, 

visited the colony in May to strengthen the position of the MFA within the army in 

Mozambique, but he did little to clarify the direction events were taking.4°  Military units 

Cl Malyn New*  A Histool 4-Mozambique, p. 538. 
39Cf: Ibid. P. 538. 

40C.1 Ibid. P. 208. 

33 



began to refuse to fight and socialization with FRELIMO took place in many areas. 

FRELIMO, however, continued the war, pushing into Zambezia province and Southwards 

towards the Savi and it met no resistance. In Loureneo Marques the DGS (Direccao Geral 

de Seguranea), as P1DE was now called,41  was abolished, political prisoners were released 

and the governor-general was recalled to Lisbon. 

In June 1974 the first negotiations took place between the Portuguese and FRELIMO. The 

Portuguese wanted a cease-fire which FRELIMO would not grant. Consequently order 

began to disintegrate throughout Mozambique. Numerous attacks were directed on white 

settlers and Portuguese property. On 7 September of the same year, after private meetings 

in Tanzania between MFA officers and FRELIMO, the Lusaka Accord was signed, 

allowing for the rapid and unequivocal transfer of power to FRELMO without prior 

elections and with only nine months of transitional government. This transitional 

government was to be headed by Joaquim Chissano, a member of the FRELIMO 

Movement. On 28 September 1974 shortly before Spinola was forced to resign, the 

Agreement granting Mozambique independence was signed. 

While the hand over from the Portuguese colonial government to FRELIMO takes place, 

changes also occurred on the side of the Church. The changes were mainly characterized 

by the following factors: Mgr. Pinto and the Verona Fathers' withdrawal from 

Mozambique, which took place more or less eight weeks before the military coup in Lisbon 

on 25 April 1974. The fact that the Pope Paul VI, during one of his weekly Wednesday 

audiences with the faithful in 1969, met a delegation of three representatives of the 

4' CY Malyn Neni4 "Monks. 'operation knot.... ". pp. 60-62. 

34 



Liberation movements of Angola (MPLA)42, Guinea Bissau (PAIGC)43  and FRELIMO, 

which event the Vatican press classified as a sign showing the political atmosphere in 

Portuguese colonies. This factor was damaging for Portugal and a blessing for the 

liberation movements. And the White Fathers' withdrawal from Mozambique in 1971. 

It must be noted that during the more or less ten years of anti-colonial struggle, the 

liberation movements were militarily backed by the Soviet Union, East Germany, China, 

Czechoslovakia and other Soviet satellites like Cuba. Politically and ideologically, these 

liberation movements had to play a Socialist role by implicating the Church in the 

oppressive maintenance of Portuguese colonialism. Yet the above mentioned Church's 

changes put the liberation movements in an awkward position. In order to be truthful and 

coherent, the liberation movements saw the necessity of declaring that there were, at least, 

some exceptions to their Socialist paymasters' rule. In a clear way, Pope Paul VI, the 

Comboni Fathers, the White Fathers and Mgr. Pinto had shown an attitude that the Church 

could cope with the aims of the liberation movements. This was more clear from the fact 

that the Pope himself wanted to keep a distance from the Portuguese Church which was 

linked with the Portuguese colonial government. 

The out-dated missionary model came to an end with the military coup in Lisbon, the 

seizing of political power by FRELIMO in Mozambique (the MPLA in Angola and the 

PAGIC in Guinea Bissau), and the withdrawal by the White Fathers, the Comboni Fathers 

and Mgr. Pinto. Now, no longer the Portuguese myth of Christianisation strictly linked with 

42Cf Mori:net:to Popular de Libertarito de Angola - Popular Movement for the 
Liberation of Angola. 

43  Partici° Africano pan a Independencia de Guine e Cabo - African Party for the 
Independence of Guinea and Cap. 

35 



Portugalisation could continue. After the military coup in Lisbon, the new military 

government decided to get in touch with the liberation movements in the colonies. For 

Mozambique, the Lusaka Accord of 7 September 1974, signed between Portugal and 

FRELIMO, marked the official end of Portuguese rule in Mozambique. The Accord stated 

that within nine months Mozambique should be declared fully independent. During this 

nine months transition period, Mozambique was to be governed by a mixed council of a 

Portuguese high commissioner as commanding officer of the Portuguese army on one 

hand, and PRELIM° was to appoint a prime Minister (Joaquim Alberto Chissano) on the 

other hand, who would preside over the new council. 

Already by 1975 (25 June), Mozambique attained officially full independence with Samora 

Moises Machel as the first president of the people's Republic. 

Mozambique had got its independence, but many problems remained. The Lusaka Accord 

had left many matters unsettled. The position of the settlers and their property received no 

guarantees; no decisions were made about Portuguese assets or about compensation; and 

the whole question of the colonial debt was unresolved. Eventually some of these matters 

were cleared up but after lasting damage had been done to post-colonial relations between 

Portugal and Mozambique. 

Shortly after the Lusaka Accord was signed, the Vatican consecrated two Mozambican 

bishops: Dom Alexandre Maria dos Santos, who immediately became Archbishop of 

Maputo, replacing Dom Custodio Alvim Pereira who left the country soon after the 

Accord; Dom Janutirio Malhaze, who replaced the bishop of Cabo Delgado, Dom Jose 

Garcias, a member of the Portuguese Society for overseas Catholic Mission. The 

nomination of these two bishops was made from among the Mozambican priests then 

[1 
36 



present. A few years later, the Mozambican Conference of bishops had seven Mozambican 

and two Portuguese bishops: Dom Manuel Vieira Pinto could re-enter after his expulsion 

because of his protest, and Dom Luis da Silva Gonzaga could remain because he did not 

take sides during the war of independence." 

1. Church - State Relations in Independent Mozambique 

1.1 An over all View of the present situation 
The Lusaka Accord handed over power to FRELIMO almost unconditionally. There were 

no elections, no referendum and only nine months of interim administration before the 

independence celebrations of June 1975. Many Mozambicans were unfamiliar with the 

new rulers who took power from the Portuguese, and FRELIMO was relatively unfamiliar 

with much of the countty it was to rule.45  A question arises: "what was the nature of 

FRELIMO and what qualities did it bring to the task of ruling the newly-independent 

State? As has already been described, FRELMO was founded in Tanzania and owed much 

to the friendship and help of Julius Nyerere. Its origins lay in three small ethnically based 

parties brought together in 1963 to form a front' (Frente). At first it was made up largely 

of Mozambicans who had been educated abroad, and migrant workers residing in 

neighboring countries. So, almost from the start, FRELIMO was an 'intellectuals' party. 

Moncllane himself had a doctorate and wrote an excellent book on the birth of 

independence." Machel who succeeded him in 1970, had no higher education but was a 

44  Cf. Couto, F. J. & Al. Van Lay,  Die Kirche in Mosambik Heute: Zwischn 
Kolonialismus und Revolution. (Boon: Ripken, 1981), pp. 162-168. 
45  Cf. Malyn Newitt,  A History ofMozambique, p. 541. 
46  CF. Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique. P.75. 

37 



man of great intelligence who assimilated and interpreted the key ideas of the movement 

and became one of its most articulate exponents!' 

At first there was no particular and clear orientation of FRELIMO towards Marxist 

thought, and the dominant ideas of Mondlane were little different from those of other 

African nationalists. However, following the power struggle, the party moved sharply to the 

left. From then on, its leadership became much influenced by the pragmatic Marxism of 

Amikar Cabral with his classic identification of neo-colonialism, as well as colonialism, as 

the enemy to be confronted." 

A year after independence, the new government nationalized many sectors of the economy 

in order to distribute the facilities equally to all and improve the standard of living of its 

population. Education, health, banks and insurance companies were all involved. 

'Communal villages' where families retained standardised household plots were 

established, and work was organized on a collective basis. 

With these changes implemented, FRELIMO slowly diverted itself from a national 

liberation movement into a Marxist party with a program of 'Mozambican socialism', as 

the cause of uniting the country. This took place in 1977. 

Because of these actions taken by FREL,IMO, the people immediately began to understand 

that the land and all its wealth belonged to them and were part of a common patrimony. 

Education and health were considered important priorities. A national adult literacy 

campaign was introduced and organized throughout the country to teach the people to read 

47  CJ Malyn Nenia quotes Barry Muslow,  Samora Machel: An African Revolutionary. P. 
541. 
48  Ibid.  .... Patrick Cabral Amilcar Cabral, p. 542. 

38 



and write. (97% of the population were illiterate at that time. By the 1980s this figure had 

diminished by 15%). Social and professional training were under the central government. 

2. The attitude of FRELIMO towards Religion 
Four main phases characterized what can be called FRELIMO'S attitude towards religion: 

Phase one: It took place during the pre-independence period, and it was one of 

`cohabitation' and fellowship with religion during the fight for liberation. In my opinion, I 

think that this phase was occasioned by the fact of the Pope receiving FRELIMO'S 

delegation in the Vatican in 1969. This gesture was seen to be neutral since the Pope did 

not bless nor condemn the revolution. It should be noted that during the fight against 

colonialism in Mozambique, Christians and Marxists were fighting side by side on the front 

lines against the Portuguese, since the unifying motive for the two was that the revolution 

was necessary if they were to liberate Mozambique from colonialism. This phase can be 

best shown by the following speech by E. Mondlane: 

" In fact, the leadership of our nationalistic movements in the two countries 
(Angola and Guinea Bissau ) is religiously mixed. In our own Mozambique 
liberation front, most of the members in the central committee, which directs the 
whole program of the struggle, either are Roman Catholics or come from 
Catholic families. The man who first directed our military action program, the 
late Filipe Magaia, had been baptized in the Roman Catholic Church, as had 
Samora Machel, the present chief of the liberation army. The largest number of 
our students abroad, who have run away from Portuguese schools either in 
Mozambique or Portugal, are Roman Catholics. When in May 1961 more than 
100 University students from Portuguese colonies in Africa ran away from 
Portuguese Universities to France, Switzerland and West Germany, over eighty 
of them declared to be either Roman Catholic or to have come from Catholic 

49  CI E. Mondkute,  The &niggle for Mozambique  P. 71. 

39 



Phase two: The following phase was characterized by an indifference Nis-à-vis to religion, 

and an attitude of neutrality which was very short lived. It was a few months just before 

independence. FREUMO acknowledged the rebellious attitude taken by a minority of the 

clergy against the colonial system as well as the injustices connected with it; and 

acknowledged the fact that many of its members were devout Catholics. However, the 

leadership remained deeply critical of religion. The neutral relationship between the Church 

and PRELIM() started in late 1974, when Mozambican priests met in Maputo, in order to 

examine and question their new role in the revolution and neo-independent State. This 

meeting had as its aim the way to live out the new historic moment of independence with 

full commitment to Christian life and to re-examine the position of the Church as whole. 

With Samora as the guest of honor and head of FRELINIO at the meeting, he was invited 

and addressed the meeting in the following words: 

" The Catholic hierarchy, with the exception of a few honorable cases, has 
conscientiously and voluntarily taken part in the mission of domination....it is 
the duty of the Church today to reconsider her action within a free Mozambique 
and within the context of her spiritual mission. This means that she will have to 
renounce certain privileges and benefits that she drew profit from in the colonial 
situation, because of her association with the Portuguese State. This will have to 
orientate her actions towards the needs and interests of the Mozambican 
people".5°  

Samora first of all addressed this discourse to the native clergy who, in their turn, were 

satisfied to see that Samora took recognition of the courageous and lucid witness of some 

priests at the time of war of independence. On the other hand he manifested no favoritism 

or nepotism to any faith. 

50 Cf G. Bonzanino Afissionari nella Rivoluzione. (Bologna: EMI, 1978), P. 182. 

40 



Yet, the Church (clergy) soon noticed a rigid position of neutrality towards religion, from 

FREL1MO'S side. This was a good and logical position, for it is a fact that the FRELIMO 

guerrillas had come from many different denominations. By taking a position in favor of 

one or some Churches, division within FREL1MO'S own ranks could have blown up. 

Mother difficult phase was one which resulted in a militant persecution against the 

Church. This attitude was an obvious one, having in mind the history behind the 

Mozambican Church: originally a Portuguese Church whereby the majority of its 

missionaries were Portuguese, and the fact that it had given assistance in the process of 

Portugalisation and was evidently tied up with the events of forced labor and colonization 

which it did not disapprove of, even if there were exceptions by some figures who noticed 

its excesses. So then, it seemed that Machel somehow "had imbibed a fairly doctrinaire 

Marxist critique of religion"!' Such a critic was applicable to the Socio-Political situation 

present in Mozambique. Samora's views on religion were official and publicly announced 

to the whole nation on his independence message of 25 June 1975.52  Records say that " 

between 1975-1976, six hundred missionaries, a third of the total number, left 

Mozambique".53  

Phase three: FREL1MO'S iron first was particularly felt by the small denominational 

Churches like the Church of the Apostles in Mozambique, the Ethiopian Church of 

Portuguese Africa, the Jehova's Witnesses and the Church of the Nazarene. Mgr. Vieira 

51  Cf: A. Hastings,  A History ofAfrican Christianity, p. 213. 
52 " Religion, and especially the Catholic Church, was a powerful factor in the cultural 
and human alienation of the Mozambican to make him a docile instrument and object of 
exploitation and smash any display of resistance in the name of Christian resignation." 
Cf. Ibid. , P. 213. 

33 Cf G. Bonzanino, Missionario nella Revoluzione p. 192. 

41 



Pinto who was immediately chosen to be the chairman of the Episcopal Conference had 

been given a difficult task of leading the various Churches, together with the new Anglican 

bishop of the Anglican Diocese somehow playing an ecumenical role. 

Within an atmosphere of an openly 'anti-religious' government that decisively kept its 

distance from any form of religiosity, the Church found herself in a difficult situation 

because she had suddenly passed from one extreme of privilege and power to another of 

renunciation and persecution. This anti-religious attitude is manifested, for instance, by the 

following passages: 

" The Catholic Church is a reactionary organization involved in anti-
revolutionary activities. So as the people's democracy can proceed within the 
communist spirit it is necessary to get rid of such a Church, once and for all. 
This is the goal for which we must fight. A frontal attack, while we are not 
sufficiently prepared and while the masses are not sufficiently educated, must be 
avoided, because it will only result in strengthening the Church. We have to 
conduct the fight within religion itself, through activists and militants. We will 
progressively replace religious elements with Marxists elements, so that the 
'false conscience' will be transformed into the 'true conscience'. With this in 
mind, the Catholics themselves will end up destroying their own movement, and 
by this same initiative, they will destroy the divine images which they created for 
themselves. The masses will be protected from every pressure and obligation to 
attend religious services in Church, to practice their religion, and to organize 
associations depending on religious groups. As soon as a religion ceases to be a 
duty and an obligation, it will slowly be forgotten."54  

Phase four: Analyzing this discourse carefully, one interprets it as an open declaration of 

the president Samora Machel against any religion in his regime. Furthermore, he refutes 

every belief and faith, which he considers as decadent pieces of colonialism. This was a 

process which started during the war of independence period with the relative attainment of 

victory over colonialism; developed also with the establishment of the so called 'scientific 

54 
G. Bonzanino quotes "Gaba Pastoral Institute's Sharing, (April, 1976 '), in the 

Wissionario nella Rivoluzione," p. 185. 

42 



Marxist' regime, and culminated with nationglization, without compensation, of all private 

properties, not excluding the missions and Church buildings, and the indoctrination of the 

masses, confining those who are unwilling to accept that Marxist regime destined to 're-

education camps' .55  

2.1 The Reaction of the Church 
A Pastoral letter drafted by the bishops in 1976 set up the new direction for the 

Mozambican Church. Points like the recognition of the justice of independence was clearly 

pointed out. All privations were accepted with a true evangelical spirit by the Church in the 

beginning. Cooperation to work for the elimination of oppression such as hunger, illiteracy, 

sickness, displaced, and the respect of human rights, especially the freedom of worship was 

transparent. Criticism of the political use of atheism against religion, and of lapsed 

Catholics who denied God because of fear of the government, was strongly pointed out. 

Still, the bishops exhorted the need to adapt creatively to the present difficult situation in 

order to make Christ's message reach everyone. 

On the other hand, the pastoral letter directed a strong attack on the PRELIM° 

government for the forced interruption of the evangelisation process, at the expense of 

Marxist indoctrination. The government was criticized for its nationalisation of Churches, 

Seminaries, Schools and hospitals. Deeper criticism was focused upon the element of 

surprise which the revolution played upon priests, nuns and brothers: "they were thrown 

35  "Re-education Camps (Campos de Re-thwack) were specific places - villages , 
whereby minor political prisoners against FRELIMO'S Marxist regime were taken to. in 
order to fulfill their punishment. 

43 



out of their beds in the middle of the night, and found themselves under the African skies 

in pajamas, because their beds had been nationalized". Yet, it should be noted that the 

Church adapted well to this situation. "Missionaries whose cars and motorcycles were 

nationalized for the use of FRELIMO functionaries, found themselves on foot or by 

bicycle, if this too had not been taken. Nuns no longer wore veils for they were considered 

alienating signs; they no longer taught catechism because it was deemed as 'unproductive' 

labor. Instead, they performed 'productive labour as nursing and teaching in government 

Institutions, and were remunerated according to the law. Priests were forced to humble 

themselves by becoming maids, cooks and cleaners to the bread-winning sisters"!6  

kr-stag, An attitude of respect and tolerance towards religion which took place from 1986 

onwards. Its cause and influence is strictly connected to the rise of a post-independence 

civil war by RENAMO (Mozambique National Resistance). 

Between the Portuguese revolution of 1974 and the raising of the flag of independent 

Mozambique there was a number of attempts to put together a viable opposition movement 

against FRELIMO. Jorge Jardim and his agent Orlando Cristina are supposed to have 

escaped with some of the DOS files and helped the Rhodesians found RENAMO, 

recruiting elements from the black military and paramilitary units that had fought for the 

Portuguese!' A year after independence, the country was still at war, a war declared first 

36  "While mass was celebrated in majestic Churches in pre-independent Mozambique, it 
was now celebrated in the cool and refreshing site of a tree or banana grove. All of this 
was possible with a touch of humor, philosophy and, above all, faith. It must be noted 
that the cathedrals were declared nationalized property of the State, yet they carried on 
being places of public worship open to all Christians. None of the Church buildings in 
Maputo were touched. However, Seminaries, colleges and hospitals were nationalized 
and taken over by the government". Cl (PRELIM Reports and Resister:chi Nacional 
Alocanthicana = Mozambique National Resistence), 

7 
Cf. Afalyn Armin, A History ofMozambique, p. 563-564. 

44 



by these Rhodesian armed forces which formed a movement called the Mozambique 

National Resistance (MNR), and later on transformed into RENAMO rebels. In October 

1979, RENAMO'S presence in Mozambique was destroyed when a FRELIMO security 

operation captured its headquarters in Gorongosa. In 1980, RENAMO was transferred 

with much of its equipment to South Africa and given training facilities and a base in the 

northern Transvaal. About the same time, RENAMO'S original leader, Machangaisa, was 

killed in action and Afonso Dlalcama won a violent contest to succeed him. 

From this time on RENAMO was financially backed by Portuguese nationals living in 

South Africa who never forgave FRELIMO'S nationalization of their property without any 

form of compensation. The South African government was more than happy to support 

RENAMO because FRELIMO gave the ANC (African National Congress) refuge in 

Mozambique. RENAMO was able to launch its offensive from neighboring Malawi, whose 

president had always been suspicious of the FREL1M0 government. Malawi was a blessing 

for RENAMO because it was the only country to have diplomatic relations with South 

Africa, therefore, South African armies and other military supplies poured in easily.58  

2.2 The Role played by the Laity 
The Laity had played a protagonist role in the Church during the civil war, a war which 

lasted for seventeen years, destroying Mozambique's whole socio-economic 

infrastructures. In this situation they guaranteed the survival of the Church and took its 

missionary mandate seriously by proclaiming the gospel message of Christ. 

58  Cl  Missioni Consolata (October 1990), p.38ff &  African Affairs. (Vol. 89, no. 357, 
October 1990), pp. 501-502. 

45 



The origin of the role played is well placed during the post-independence period, when 

socio-political circumstances forced many of the clergy to leave the country. Those who 

were allowed to stay had no great contact with the faithful, particularly those in the villages. 

"The seven new African and the two Portuguese bishops allowed to remain were very 

isolated. To maintain contact with either political functionaries or the people was not easy, 

Church buildings were empty. Christians met together in groups and associations and spoke 

about religion with extreme difficulty. The clergy had to withdraw from schools and 

mission centers" .59  

In particular, the bishops, priests and religious deeply felt the weight of FRELIMO'S 

Marxist power. The hierarchy and the clergy were stripped naked of their colonial 

privileges and powers in the socio-political sectors of the society and were confined to the 

spiritual sphere (even within the spiritual sphere, FRELIMO restricted the scope of 

influence).69  Seminaries had been nationalized and became the property of the State for use 

as public meeting halls, granaries, storage facilities, etc.. As the Seminaries were 

nationalized, Seminarians disappeared and took advantage of government positions by 

becoming functionaries, secretaries, clerks, governors, etc.. They became even more 

radical Marxists than the freedom fighters themselves. 

59  CI  Mission Outlook, (Autumn 1991), p. 65. 
60 "Missionary personnel that had diplomas in medicine, teaching, economics, etc., could 
work in government Institutions as long as they kept religion out of their work Priests 
were considered employees of the nuns. They were allowed to stay in the country in order 
to celebrate mass for them, The nuns put the following condition to the government: they 
would stay and work in Mozambique as long as they had a priest at home who could 
celebrate mass. The nun's salary was the same as that of a foreign worker which was 
enough to support the missionaries". CI Marco Stefano, Bagnarol., The Church in  
Colonial and Post-Colonial Mozambique.(Non pubIdocument- London, 1992), pp.45-49. 

II 

46 



By losing colonial pthileges in independent Mozambique, a new approach was noticed 

among missionary personnel, in such a way that they started searching deeply into the 

depths of the faith by organizing retreats, meetings and formative encounters among 

themselves. These activities would not have occurred during the colonial period because 

most missionaries were busy running schools, hospitals, nurseries, etc.. The revolutionary 

circumstances made them turn back to their primary mission which is above all spiritual. 

With the restrictions put on the clergy by the government, the laity appeared on the 

forefront. In the villages, various small Christian communities carried on their Christian 

life. With the closing of the old Churches, they built new places of worship. They even did 

so in spite of the intimidation and threat of imprisonment. Many Christians went to prison 

during this period for defying the government's atheistic policy. The Laity then understood 

that it had to carry on professing its faith without having the leadership of the clergy. The 

clergy in its turn quickly understood and showed the need to listen to the `vozes das 

comunidades' ( voices of the communities) magazine of missionary concern. It was 

brought home to bishops and priests that only God would save the Christian faith in 

Mozambique. Only then did they officially recognise the existence of these communities. 

They accepted the leaders proposed by them. These leaders had contacted Christians from 

other neighboring countries, not only Catholics but Christians from other denominations. In 

fact, at this time there were strong currents, among them the missionaries, who thought of 

the possibility of ordaining priests the leaders of such communities.61  

61  "Even the Apostolic Delegate, Mgr. Francesco Colasuono, did not exclude such a 
proposition. Working as the Vatican's representative in Taiwan (Republic of China), he 
knew very well that in chairman Mao's China (People's Republic of China) solutions of 
this sort took place and had to be at least tolerated because of the situation". This 
information was supplied by Father Cornelio Prandina, MCCJ, who worked in Nampula 

47 



However, with the changing events in Mozambique, since 1986, this praise of the laity was 

slowly undermined. As bishops and priests slowly return to positions of privilege, power 

and authority, with the blessing of the Mozambican government, the laity risks were 

forgotten and not acknowledged for the vital role they had played.62  

diocese - Mozambique, and was quoted by Father Marco Bagnarol, IMC, working in 
Kampala - Uganda. 
62  CI  Mission Outlook (Autumn 1991), p. 66. 

48 



CHAPTER IV 

THE DAWNING OF A NEW ERA 

1. -An Overall view 
Within the Socialist climate being implanted in the country, a general dissatisfaction with 

the state of affairs began to rise. This was shown by a high rate of absenteeism and 

slackening-off in many sectors of Mozambique's economic life, and by the war that lasted 

for seventeen years destroying the country's whole infrastructures. 

The Church's esteem expanded during this period which was of civil war in Mozambique. 

It was able to help in relief efforts for war refugees who were displaced and for the whole 

country whose economy had been destabilized and run down by RENAMO. "Caritas 

Mocambique", with its International Network, was able to supply food, medicine and other 

essentials. The bishops relentlessly condemned the wastage of human life perpetrated by 

both FRELIMO and RENAMO. The Mozambican hierarchy's pastoral letters during this 

period were focused on the issue of peace. They constantly insisted that both parties 

involved in the conflict to start talking so as to end the fratricidal war. 

The position of the laity grew tremendously strong during this time. Missionaries were 

prevented from travelling to remote Christian communities because of the many land mines 

placed in the roads and also because of the fear of attacks. Therefore, the Christian 

conununities started organizing themselves, hosting the increasing number of refugees. The 

49 



catechists had to conduct the services, prepare people for sacraments, preside over 

weddings, bury the dead, etc.°  

By the mid 1980s, president Machel started becoming disillusioned with his Sovietic 

Support. The Soviets, on their part, were astonished by Machel's visit first to London and 

then to Washington. He was starting to court the west and slowly distance himself from the 

Socialist Block.64  

With the death of president Machel, the then Foreign Minister, Joaquirn Chissano, took 

over power by becoming the president. Under his dynamic and pragmatic leadership, 

Mozambique soon took a sharp turn in die course of its events. President Chissano's 

greatest success is that he got rid of the powerful one party State and delved into multi-

party politics with an election in sight. 

Through the mediation of the Churches in Mozambique, and the Italian Foreign Ministry, 

peace talks with RENAMO were set up in Rome - Italy. From the Church in Mozambique, 

the most eminent mediator for the talks between RENAMO and PRELIM() in Rome was 

63  " With the signing of the Nkomati Accord in March 1986, between President Samora 
Alachel ofMozambiqzte and Pieter Botha of South Africa, it was thought that the civil war 
in Mozambique would cool down or even stop altogether. The Accord had declared that 
Mozambique would no longer provide an operational base for the ANC, and South Africa 
in its turn would no longer support RENAMO movement. However. the Accord proved to 
be worthless as South Africa repeatedly flouted the Accord by clandestinely support 
RENAMO militarily, while publicly denying any support for the Resistance movement. In 
the meantime, the carnage carried on at unprecedented and horrific levels". Cf Missioni 
Consolata (October. 1990). p. 38. 
64  "On 16 March 1986, his plane exploded over the Swazi-South African borders as he 
returned from a high level meeting in Lusaka-Zambia, together with other African Heads 
of State". Cf. Ibid. P.43. 

II 

50 



the Mozambican bishop of Beira, Dom Jaime Pedro Goncalves. He happened to belong to 

the Ndau tribe to which the majority of RENAMO'S top leaders belonged.°  

1.1. The Church and the Peace process in the Mozambican 
Republic 
1.2. Towards a peace settlement 

Attempts were made, largely through the influence of the Catholic Church to bring the two 

sides together. The on-going peace talks, sponsored by the Community of Saint Egidio in 

Rome led to the signing of a general peace Treaty on e October 1992, between the 

president of Mozambique, Joaquim Alberto Chissano, and the RENAMO leader, Afonso 

Macacho Maceta Dlakama. 

Before Mozambique's new constitution came into force, contracts were underway in order 

to prepare for peace negotiations between the government and RENAMO. A first meeting 

was scheduled to take place in Malawi. at the end of 1991, but eventually the suitability of 

that place was doubtful. It seems that the Malawi government could not provide sufficient 

security for the RENAMO Delegation. 

After a lot of efforts made in searching for the tight place, the Catholic Church proposed 

Rome as a suitable venue. Dom Jaime Goncalves, bishop of Beira, was the head of the 

Catholic Church's commission formed to lead the contacts between the two parties 

involved. It was in those circumstances that the peace treaty was signed on October 4th  

1992; a peace treaty which resulted in the final phase of negotiations for the future general 

elections. 

65  Cf Ibid. P. 44. 

51 



Following the signing of the peace treaty came a program of disarmament, demobilization, 

and the creation of a new unified army. At the same time, with the government's approval, 

various political parties and 'groupings' began to emerge. A National Electoral Commission 

was set up with Dr. Brazit"o Mazula as president, assisted by two CO-presidents, one 

appointed by the government and the other by RENAMO. 

By June 1994, the National Electoral Commission was in office, and, immediate 

preparations took place for the forthcoming general elections. The first stage of this was the 

registration of the electors, followed by a program of civic education in order to prepare 

the population for the elections. Six million names had appeared on the voters' list, 

whereas the Electoral Commission had calculated eight and half 

By September 1994, the voter-registration exercise was completed, and the civic education 

program was well under way. The third stage was marked by the campaigning for 

presidential and legislative elections. Once the people voted, the National Electoral 

Commission was charged with promulgating the results. 

It should be noted that Mozambican people voted for their future leaders in an orderly 

way and with no violence. 

1.3. Mozambique Surprises the World 
Between 27-29 October 1994, 5.4 million Mozambicans presented themselves at various 

polling stations to elect their leaders in a democratic and free way. Thus, nineteen years of 

a one-party government came to an end. It was also the end of a long and difficult road 

leading to multi-party elections; a credit to the entire population. More than